The upcoming Uttar Pradesh polls have once again ignited the debate and demand for a caste-based Census in India. The opposition parties and BJP’s Bihar ally JDU are adamant on the issue. At the same time, the Mandal Commission and its reports have also played a significant role in UP politics over the years. Let’s take a look at what the Mandal Commission was, its suggestions, and the present situation.
Historical background of the Mandal Commission:
Since old times, Indian society was largely laid on the principles of Jaati and Varna. Further, colonialism made the artisan and similar classes poorer. Consequently, social stratification dominated Indian society. The scheduled caste, scheduled tribes, and other backward classes faced the severities of colonialism. This laid the base for the formation of the Mandal Commission for the development of these sections of Indian society.
What were the Mandal Commission and its recommendations?
The Mandal Commission was set up by the Morarji Desai government, and it was headed by B.P Mandal. The main aim of setting up the commission was to recognize socially or educationally backward classes to deal with caste discrimination issues in India. The Commission suggested that the members of OBC should be given 27% reservation for jobs under central government and public sector undertakings. It would increase the total number of reservations for SCs and STs to 49%. The V.P Singh government implemented the recommendations made by the commission in 1990.
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The Immediate Impacts of the Mandal Commission reports:
Soon after the V.P Singh government announced the implementation of the Mandal commission suggestions in the Parliament, protests were held in the country. Many students throughout the country came out in the streets, held protests, and blocked the roads. It was termed as the ‘Anti-Mandal’ protests.
The scene took a more serious turn in September 1990. A student from Delhi University’s Deshbandhu College, Rajeev Goswami, self-immolated. He became the face of anti-Mandal protests and the protests were further agitated. As per historian Ramachandra Guha, approximately 200 students self-immolated in the course of the protest. Of these students, 60 succumbed to their injuries.
Finally, these reservations for OBC in the central government institutions were implemented in 1992. The education quote came into force in 2006.
The present situation of the Mandal Commission’s recommendations:
Even after two decades of its implementation, experts believe that gross inequality prevails in society. As per a report by the parliamentary panel on the welfare of OBCs in February 2019, despite 4 revisions in the income criteria, the 27% vacancies reserved for OBCs are not occupied. The data from 78 ministries and departments regarding the presentation of OBCs in posts reflects poor OBC occupancy in 2016.
According to government data, the presence of OBCs among government employees is 21% of the quota and not 27%. In group C of the sanitation department, the number of OBCs is 6.4 lakh or 22.65% and not 27%. To address the issue, the Narendra Modi government constituted a 4 member commission headed by retired Delhi High Court Chief Justice G. Rohini in October 2017. The commission also found that among 6000 castes and communities in OBC, only 40 communities got 50% of reservation benefits. Also, 20% of OBC communities didn’t get a quota to benefit from 2014-to 2018. Its tenure was extended till January 2021.
Furthermore, to ensure that the benefits of the recommendations by the commission are trickled down to the most backward communities, a ‘creamy layer’ criteria was evoked. Under those rules, a household with an annual income of Rs. 8 lakh or above will fall under the ‘creamy layer’. So, they won’t be eligible for reservations.
The Mandal Commission and its recommendations have always played a major role in influencing the politics of Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, and several other Indian states.
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